[acb-hsp] Connectedness: Article

[J.Rayl]

Connectedness: A Review of the Literature with Implications for Counseling, Assessment,

and Research.

by Katharine C. Townsend , Benedict T. McWhirter

Human beings have a powerful need for connectedness (Jordan, 1997; Lee & Robbins,

2000), or, as Baumeister and Leary (1995) have stated, "a fundamental human motivation"

(p. 497) for regular, positive interactions within an ongoing relational connection.

When individuals do not meet this need to be connected to each other and to maintain

lasting social connections, there can be a negative impact on their health, adjustment,

and well-being (Moen, 1998; Rude & Burham, 1995). Because humans are born with the

need to be connected with others, individuals whose worldviews are shaped by a lack

of meaningful connection to others tend to experience psychological distress (Buchholz

& Catton, 1999). Some of the consequences to individuals that result from being disconnected

from others may include social isolation, deficits in belongingness, and a lack of

meaning or purpose in life (Baumeister & Leery, 1995). Disconnected individuals may

see themselves as cut off from the social world despite the fact that they may have

nonconflictual relationships with professional colleagues, personal friends, and

family members. These individuals may report a lack of supportive relationships that

can serve as effective buffers against the effects of stress. They may feel lost

and alone, on both intrapersonal and interpersonal levels; that is, these individuals

might experience a pervasive sense of disconnection from the internal self as well

as from the external (social) world. A lack of connectedness has thus been described

as a pervasive social problem (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). Because of this, clarifying

the conceptualization, definition, and measurement of connectedness in the counseling

and psychological literature and highlighting important counseling strategies and

clinical research questions related to connectedness have a great deal of merit.

To explore the construct of connectedness in a thorough manner, we conducted a literature

review. The publications selected for this review's content pool met the following

criteria: (a) published from 1984 through 2003, (b) written in English, and (c) included

the key word connectedness. The initial computerized literature search of the PsycINFO

database yielded a total of 581 publications that met all of these criteria. From

that list, 288 publications featured original empirical research studies that were

quantitative in nature. In the preliminary review process, a variety of publications

were selected that ranged from those that reported on the psychometric development

of measures of connectedness to theoretically oriented articles that discussed the

construct. In addition to the articles chosen from the PsycINFO database, we also

identified articles and books from our personal files and from bibliography reviews.

Finally, the abstracts of all the publications selected were scanned, and, ultimately,

a total of 85 contemporary publications were selected for this review: 6 dissertations,

9 books, 7 chapter articles, and 63 journal articles. These publications were included

in this review because of their relevance to the historic intervention and prevention

mission of counseling and counseling psychology (Brabeck, Welsh, Kenny, & Comilang,

1997).

In this article, the construct of connectedness is described as it appears in the

literature, particularly with respect to gender and cultural issues. This review

also suggests a conceptualization of connectedness that may provide a framework for

increasing the efficacy of counseling assessment and interventions for those who

experience a problem with being disconnected from others. This review concludes with

recommendations for counseling interventions and research germane to this construct.

The Construct of Connectedness

In recent years, researchers of human development and psychology have helped to debunk

the myth that the goal of human development hinges on individual independence and

self-sufficiency. Today, notions of interdependence and communality are portrayed

in a positive light in the developmental process (E. H. McWhirter, 1994). Riggs and

Bright (1997), for example, highlighted the works of Miller and of Surrey, both of

whom identified several crucial components in psychological growth that occurs within

relationships: (a) an increased sense of well-being that comes from feeling connected

to others, (b) motivation and the ability to act positively both within and beyond

the boundaries of the relationship, (c) increased self-knowledge and knowledge of

the "other" in the relationship, (d) an increased sense of self-worth, and (e) the

desire for additional connections (as cited in Riggs & Bright, 1997, p. 220).

This perspective of psychological growth, occurring through connection with others,

has developed within the context of European American culture's notion of highly

valued and rewarded independence and individualism (Katz, 1985). Such an emphasis

on independence and selfhood has the consequence of nurturing such popular but pejorative

ideas regarding connectedness as "codependency." By definition, codependency has

been characterized as a risk factor for individuals and their network of relationships

because it suggests that "too much" connection with others is psychologically unhealthy.

Indeed, Cermak (1986) espoused conceptualizing codependency as a disease and further

suggested incorporating codependency as a classification in the American Psychiatric

Association's (1980) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, third

edition. Although the concept of codependency lacks construct validation, it nevertheless

continues to be frequently used in popular psychology, and this notion of codependency

continues to depict, with a negative hue, characteristics and behaviors that may

be potent and valuable assets in peoples' lives. In fact, individuals may actually

be closely connected with others in a positive way.

In response, feminist critics of the concept of codependency have identified the

source of codependent behaviors as being linked with subordination roles rather than

as a characteristic of a personality disorder (Collins, 1993). Van Wormer (1989)

argued that the codependency label is used in a discriminatory way against women,

and that the term has sociopolitical roots in sexism and the historical oppression

of women. Brown understood that those in nondominant

groups

from other cultures demonstrated a strong investment in the quality of relationships

with those in dominant roles based on a need for self-preservation (as cited in Cowan,

Bommersbach, & Curtis, 1995). Indeed, one cost of the emphasis on autonomy, separation,

and individuation is the potential discrediting and undervaluation of the capacity

for, and benefits of, intimacy and connectedness (Rude & Burham, 1995).

This review of the literature suggests that researchers are increasingly considering

connectedness as an important factor in human development and psychology (Granello

& Beamish, 1998). As Jordan (1997) has noted, "The women's movement, the ecological

movement, representatives of diverse cultures, and relational models of psychology

are challenging the prevailing Western 'separate self' paradigm" (p. 1). Although

the literature does not

support

the idea that connectedness is simply a positive reframe on codependency, it is

clear that the construct of connectedness is increasingly seen as both a protective

agent in preventing problems and an aid in helping to resolve inter- and intrapersonal

concerns (Karcher, 2002).

Indeed, researchers are increasingly recognizing that a lack or loss of connectedness

may be risk factors, posing serious consequences for the individual (Jordan, 1997;

Rude & Burham, 1995). Some of the consequences of disconnectedness may include self-alienation,

loneliness, and a lack of meaning or purpose (Bellingham, Cohen, Jones, & Spaniol,

1989). Brown and Gillespie (1992) highlighted the commentary of contemporary social

commentators and cultural analysts on the serious social costs of an extreme imbalance

between individualism and communitarianism: social discontent and increased alienation

may be outcomes of this imbalance (as cited in Cordingley & Webb, 1997, p. 142).

Loss of connectedness may also have serious health effects at the broader societal

and cultural levels. For example, researchers have shown that bereaved people benefit

from reconstituted relational networks following a loss of social connectedness;

that is, the establishment of supportive connections is associated with less intense

current and remembered grief (Forte, Barrett, & Campbell, 1996). Researchers have

suggested that healing and recovering from emotional wounds arises out of connecting

both within oneself and with others (Hogg & Frank, 1992).

As the psychological literature has reflected a greater valuing of the capacity for

relatedness as a health-promoting agent in peoples' lives, there has been a proliferation

of references to connectedness (e.g., Karcher, 2002). Although connectedness and

interdependence have been supported as important constructs in healthy moral development

for at least the past 20 years (e.g., Gilligan, 1982; Josselson, 1992), connectedness

as a construct is now receiving widespread attention across many disciplines as well

as subdisciplines within counseling and psychology. Because of the importance of

connectedness, we thought it could be helpful to examine the various ways in which

psychological literature has referred to it. In the course of our review, we arrived

at what we believe is the most parsimonious definition of the construct at this time.

In subsequent sections, we review the multidimensional nature of the construct of

connectedness and explore its association with other variables.

Definition of Connectedness

Connectedness has been described in a variety of ways throughout the literature that

we chose for this review (e.g., Bellingham et al., 1989; Bengston & Grotevant, 1999;

Campbell, Adams, & Dobson, 1984; Lang-Takac & Osterweil, 1992; Lee & Robbins, 2000;

Rude & Burham, 1995; Tolman, Diekmann, & McCartney, 1989). Indeed, the definition

of connectedness seemed to shift from article to article and from author to author.

It is possible that the definitions of connectedness varied as a function of the

construct's evolution. Connectedness as a psychological construct might be understood

as relatedness, which is a key feature in identity development and a factor in mental

health and well-being. In research, connectedness has been related to a number of

variables, including (in)dependence, embeddedness, engagement, loneliness, belongingness,

companionship, attachment, and affiliation. Because connectedness has multiple dimensions,

researchers often described connectedness differently in different studies. Perhaps

the most parsimonious definition of connectedness is presented by Hagerty, Lynch-Sauer,

Patusky, and Bouwsema (1993), who described the state of connectedness as occurring

"when a person is actively involved with another person, object, group, or environment,

and that involvement promotes a sense of comfort, well-being, and anxiety-reduction"

(p. 293). This definition is clear and also suggests that the construct of connectedness

is an intricate and multidimensional one.

Dimensions of Connectedness

Most conceptualizations of connectedness included a self-in-relation-to-others component

and a more internally focused self-component. Moreover, researchers have reported

several different forms of connectedness, including connectedness to the self; connectedness

to others, including the social network of family, friends, colleagues, and other

social

groups

; and connectedness to a larger meaning or purpose in life (Bellingham et al., 1989).

Types of connectedness include interpersonal (Newcomb, 1990), social (Timpone, 1998),

family (Troll, 1994), school (Neumark-Sztainer, Story, French, & Resnick, 1997),

and cultural (Daneshpour, 1998) connectedness, as well as community (Maton, Hrabowski,

& Greif, 1998), affective (Rosen, 1999), emotional (Phares, 1993), and empowered

(Kearney, 1998) connectedness. These descriptions in the literature suggest that

the construct is a multidimensional one.

More specifically, some authors have tended to refer to connectedness with an emphasis

on relationships with other individuals and systems. For example, Newcomb (1990)

explained that interpersonal connectedness involves diverse types of social

support

, such as "bonding, attachment, friendship, intimacy, and companionship" (p. 479).

Timpone (1998) referred to social connectedness as "the level of an individual's

integration into his or her social milieu and the fullness of the resulting associative

networks" (p. 59). In their 1997 study of health-compromising behaviors among adolescents,

Neumark-Sztainer et al. (1997) measured school connectedness by gauging how adolescents

felt about going to school. Daneshpour (1998) described cultural connectedness as

involving a value system oriented around the connectedness of relationships rather

than on differentiation of relationships (more typical in Western cultural value

system). Maton et al. (1998) reported that five facets of community connectedness

are connectedness with the extended family, religious environment, extracurricular

activity, peers, and teachers.

Other authors have seemed to concentrate on a more intimate, feeling-oriented aspect

of connectedness (Rosen, 1999). Phares (1993) referred to emotional connectedness

as one of the potential benefits that fathers, mothers, and children could gain from

being in a family; thus, she stressed the personal satisfaction derived from intimate

human relationships as being at the core of connectedness. In this sense, connectedness

has also been contrasted with the construct of separateness (Lang-Takac & Osterweil,

1992). Kearney (1998) described empowered connectedness as "a sense of having a safe

place within a community and a meaningful role to play" (p. 508).

This past research illustrates that the connectedness construct reflects both breadth

(quantity) and depth (quality) of human relationships. Lee and colleagues (e.g.,

Lee, Draper, & Lee, 2001; Lee & Robbins, 1995, 1998, 2000) have developed a line

of inquiry into the dimension of social connectedness, and they provided a definition

for social connectedness. Lee and Robbins (1998) defined social connectedness as

"the subjective awareness of being in close relationship with the social world" (p.

338). In more recent work examining social connectedness in college women and men,

Lee and Robbins (2000) suggested that social counectedness includes a sense of closeness

to others that is critical to one's sense of belonging and is based on the aggregate

experiences of proximal and distal relationships (e.g., parents, friends, peers,

strangers, communities, and society). Social connectedness, then, "is an enduring

and ubiquitous experience of the self in relation with the world, as compared with

social

support

, adult attachment, and peer affiliations, which represent more discrete, current

relationships" (p. 484). Although this definition does not capture all of the social,

cognitive, and emotional dimensions of connectedness as implied in the Hagerty et

al. (1993) definition, it seems to be the best description of social connectedness

to date. In the next section, we review some of the ways in which connectedness has

been assessed, particularly with respect to cultural and gender-related factors.

Cultural and Gender-Related Factors in Connectedness

Culture

Considerable research has been conducted on cultural differences in connectedness.

We do not comprehensively review this entire body of literature here because connectedness,

as conceived in literature focusing on culture and ethnic group differences and perspectives

in counseling, has broad meaning, usually related to understanding relationships

vis-a-vis collectivistic and individualistic cultures. When we searched the literature

for publications with the term connectedness, we found that researchers have used

this term as a framework to describe many different kinds of relationships within

cultures. Although not comprehensive, some examples merit inclusion here. Hamaguchi,

for example, found that many non-Western, minority, non-European American societies

tend to be more communitarian, conceptualized as more interdependent and connected

as individuals and group members, than Western mainstream culture (as cited in Rude

& Burham, 1995). In their study focusing on contemporaneous intergenerational relationships

and parenting in young African American families, Wakschlag, Chase-Lansdale, and

Brooks-Gunn (1996) looked at the transformation of the mother-daughter relationship

from childhood to its more mature form. These authors characterized the daughter's

"transformation" from a relatively dependent relationship with her mother to one

that is more autonomous and peer-like, yet still emotionally connected. As additional

examples, in separate studies examining the applicability of a Western model of family

therapy with Muslim immigrant families in the United States and with Japanese families

in Great Britain, researchers found that differentiation among family members was

not highly valued and, thus, discordant with the traditional Anglo-therapeutic stance.

For both Muslim and Japanese families, the most significant difference between their

value systems and that of the mainstream "West" was a preference for greater connectedness

(Daneshpour, 1998; Tamura & Lau, 1999).

Other researchers have also explored cultural and family differences in connectedness.

For instance, Lay et al. (1998) conducted four studies to test the construct validity

of a measure of family connectedness and cultural differences in connectedness with

the Family Allocentrism Scale. The authors found that family connectedness moderated

the relationship between daily hassles and depression with a group of Vietnamese

immigrant university students. Lay et al. pointed out that the results of their study

correspond to the findings about gender and family connectedness, namely, that "a

general emotional concern for others has been found to be more characteristic of

females than males, whereas individualism and collectivism were found to differ between

cultures, but not between males and females" (pp. 455-456). In her 1997 dissertation,

Wong examined the risks and protective factors related to African American and White

early adolescents' experiences of perceived racial discrimination at school. Wong

found that for African Americans, strong feelings of connectedness to their ethnic/racial

group buffered them from the injurious consequences of perceived racial discrimination,

although this correlation was not demonstrated for White adolescents (Wong, 1997).

The author suggested that African American adolescents' connection to ethnic/racial

group was positively related to educational expectations, resiliency, and perceived

positive peer characteristics.

This brief review of the literature covering connectedness and culture represents

only the tip of the iceberg with respect to future research and counseling applications

in this area. We encourage readers to pursue this area in much greater depth.

Gender

There is, similarly, a significant body of work focusing on gender-related aspects

of connectedness, which is related strongly to cultural differences. What is clear

is that scholars (e.g., Gilligan, 1982; Josselson, 1992) have consistently reported

that within Western culture, women tend to be characterized and to view themselves

as more strongly linked to, rather than separate from, family members, friends, colleagues,

and the wider social context. Scholars have argued that there are fundamental differences

in the ways in which women and men engage in relationships and that the central organizing

principle in women's development is a sense of connection to others (e.g., see Riggs

& Bright, 1997). For example, in a 1992 study examining 30 male and 30 female Israelis

of Western origin, women were found to be more connected to others than were men

(as measured by empathy and desire for intimacy), and men were found to be more separated

than women (as measured by self-other differentiations and independence; Lang-Takac

& Osterweil, 1992). Furthermore, in an exhaustive review of the literature on the

psychosocial development of women, Caffarella and Olson (1993) discovered that interpersonal

relationships and a sense of connectedness to others were major and critical themes

in development for all women.

Meanwhile, although some authors have found clear gender differences in the nature

of connectedness--implying that women tend to value connectedness more than do men--the

recent work of Lee and colleagues (e.g., Lee, Keough, & Sexton, 2002; Lee & Robbins,

2000) has suggested that social connectedness (defined as the subjective experience

of interpersonal closeness) is equally salient in both women's and men's lives. The

findings of these researchers suggest that college women and men differ in the types

of relationships that contribute to social connectedness and also differ in terms

of the kinds of social provisions that contribute to interpersonal closeness. Our

own work also supports this contention (Townsend, 2003). Although this body of work

(regarding gender) that we have just reviewed may not be generalized beyond a college

population, a review of gender differences in connectedness is enriched by these

findings.

Studies of Connectedness: Implications for Mental Health and Well-Being

Connectedness has typically been examined in terms of its opposition to, or as it

is subsumed by, other constructs and social-psychological factors rather than as

a focus of assessment on its own. Studies have shown that disruptions in people's

connectedness contribute to psychological, biological, and social disturbances (Baker

& Baker, 1987; Lee & Robbins, 1995, 1998, 2000). Researchers using quantitative and

qualitative methodologies have suggested that connectedness has important implications

for mental health and well-being (see Floyd, 1999; McCreery, 1995; Sheilds, 1996;

Singelis, 1994; Theriault, 1997).

Some researchers have looked at the source of the development of social connectedness:

They have suggested that a relationship with a mother figure has important connections

with young adults' level of interpersonal connectedness (Tolman et al., 1989). These

researchers conducted an additional set of studies examining Chodorow's theory (as

cited in Tolman et al., 1989) concerning the relationship between mothering and social

connectedness. The authors measured young adults' social connectedness with the Interpersonal

Orientation (IO) scale. Tolman et al. found that maternal absence because of death

or divorce was related to IO, whereas differences in maternal employment were not.

The researchers noted that daughters who lost their mothers (through death or divorce)

in early life and who did not have a mother substitute reported lowest on IO. Other

researchers have also developed measures to quantify connectedness in one-on-one

relationships. In their study, Bengston and Grotevant (1999) developed a Q-sort to

assess individuality and connectedness in dyadic relationships.

Other researchers have expanded beyond the mother-child and one-on-one relationships

to the entire family; in the process, they came to a compelling conclusion about

the salience of family connectedness for preventing risk-oriented or unhealthy behavior

(Harris, Blum, & Resnick, 1991). In their broad-based study of teenage girls in Minnesota,

Harris et al. (1991) found that a strong feeling of connectedness with parents and

family was the most important factor for protecting adolescent girls from developing

"quietly disturbed behaviors" (p. 119), such as developing eating disorders and engaging

in self-mutilating behaviors. Other studies have also discussed the protective aspects

of "family connectedness" for male and female adolescents (Campbell et al., 1984).

A study on ethnic differences in factors associated with disordered eating found

that adolescent girls, regardless of ethnic group membership, shared many of the

same psychosocial and health behaviors related to disordered eating. For example,

lower family connectedness was associated with binge eating across all of the ethnic

groups

represented in the sample (White, Black, Hispanic, American Indian, and Asian; French

et al., 1997). The 1998 National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health found that

parent-family connectedness and perceived school connectedness were protective against

seven out of eight measured health-compromising behaviors (Resnick et al., 1998).

Parent-family and school connectedness provided a buffer against the adolescents'

emotional distress; suicidal thoughts and behaviors; violence; use of cigarettes,

alcohol, and marijuana; and age of sexual debut.

Connectedness seems to buffer against social isolation, perhaps through the individual's

increased willingness to take interpersonal risks. Since the mid-1990s, two researchers,

Lee and Robbins, have been examining aspects of this phenomenon with the aid of the

Social Connectedness Scale (Lee & Robbins, 1995).

Developed according to psychoanalytic self psychology theory

on a college-age population (Kohut, 1984; Wolf, 1988), The

Social Connectedness Scale (Lee & Robbins, 1995) measures

the degree of interpersonal closeness that is experienced between

an individual and his or her social world (e.g., friends,

peers, society) as well as the degree of difficulty in maintaining

this sense of closeness. (Lee & Robbins, 1998, p. 339)

In a follow-up study to an earlier examination of women's social connectedness, Lee

and Robbins (1998) found that only women with high connectedness reported a willingness

to seek out relationships with other group members. Women who reported feeling more

distant from the social world were less likely to take interpersonal risks to satisfy

their need for belonging. Researchers interested in enhancing the understanding of

the experience of depression have also identified connectedness as a protective factor

to consider (Rude & Burham, 1995). Rude and Burham found that there is a strong linkage

between gender, connectedness, and emotional health. In their study of 431 undergraduates,

Rude and Burham's analysis yielded two highly stable factors, namely connectedness

and neediness. They characterized connectedness by a "valuing of relationships and

a sensitivity to the effects of one's actions on others" (p. 323). They concluded

that none of the connectedness factors were associated with depressive symptomatology;

however, they did find that men and women differed on this psychological dimension.

The authors found that neediness, which was described as "anxious concerns regarding

possible rejection" (Rude & Burham, 1995, p. 337), is associated with depressive

symptomatology but not with gender.

It is of interest that other researchers have homed in on the possibility that connectedness

had both positive and negative dimensions with respect to psychological health (Wetzel,

1994). Noting that women are 3 times more likely to report an experience of depression

than are men, Wetzel also analyzed a spectrum of leading theories of depression from

a feminist perspective. She found four major themes highlighted in each theory, including

connectedness, which she suggested has a "positive dimension reflecting psychological

and environmental catalysts for mental health and well-being, and a negative dimension

that sets up barriers that result in vulnerability to depression" (Wetzel, 1994,

p. 85). Although women may report higher rates of depression than men, women's "connected"

interpersonal orientation does not necessarily predispose them to depression (Rude

& Burham, 1995). We believe this literature supports the acknowledgment of the impact

of environmental factors, such as poverty and racism, on women's higher reported

depression rates. In a study examining the possible role that connectedness has in

relation to perpetrators of domestic abuse, Bogyo (1998) found that male spousal

batterers tended to report higher social isolation and lower social connectedness

to their communities than did their nonabusive peers. Again, although connectedness

clearly has an important place in the discussion on depression, we believe that other

factors, such as socioeconomic status, are equally important to consider but, unfortunately,

are beyond the scope of our current review.

The construct of connectedness has also been explored by qualitative researchers

interested in understanding positive mental health. For example, one qualitative

study on women's experiences of the meaning of empowerment (Sheilds, 1996) found

that the participants experienced empowerment as "a multifaceted expansive process

with three central themes: the development of an internal sense of self, the ability

to take action based on their internal sense of self, and a salient theme of connectedness"

(p. 15). The author described the theme of connectedness as occurring on two levels,

intrapersonal and interpersonal. In fact, she reported that the concept of intrapersonal

connectedness was the "most tangible theme of empowerment" (p. 15). This theme is

consistent with definitions of empowerment presented elsewhere (e.g., E. H. McWhirter,

1994, 2001).

The multidimensional nature of connectedness thus extends to many realms and clearly

provides insight into the factors that promote healthy human psychological development

and also into one's sense of "self" on an individual, yet thoroughly interconnected,

level.

Implications for Counseling, Assessment, and Prevention

Whereas social isolation and disconnection from the self are detrimental to an individual's

mental and physical health, it has also been argued that inner (self-oriented) and

outer (social-oriented) counectedness are protective factors in the development of

psychological and physical health problems (Rude & Burham, 1995). Indeed, 20 years

ago, Havens (1984) suggested that "real connectedness can be one indication of mental

health" (p. 1209). Lee and Robbins (1998) further asserted that psychological conditions

associated with a lack of social connectedness (i.e., proneness to anxiety, low self-esteem,

and a lack of interpersonal trust) present the mental health professional with a

number of clinical and research opportunities. In fact, articulated in the philosophies

of counseling and counseling psychology is "a nonpathological focus on normalcy and

day-to-day problems in living, with emphasis on strengths and adaptive strategies

in our clients" (Fassinger & Schlossberg, 1992, p. 242). Our literature review indicates

that there is considerable

support

for counseling and assessment efforts conceptualized in terms of individuals' connectedness

(Kearney, 1998).

An excellent starting point to enable counselors to enhance positive connectedness

in the counseling process is to cultivate an internal appreciation for human connectedness.

Counselors who genuinely believe in the growth-promoting possibility of connectedness

would serve their clients well. For example, drawing on this strength-based attitude,

a counselor would begin work with a client by recognizing the adaptive aspects of

a motivation to connect and by believing in the specific client's capacity to grow

and develop within healthy relationships. The counselor would also do well to adopt

a nonjudging, observant attitude, moving beyond conceptualizing connectedness as

good or bad. The informed practitioner would engage with her or his client, recognizing

that there are many nuances involved with the concept of connectedness (Quintana

& Kerr, 1993).

In addition, counselors would enhance their work with clients presenting with a diversity

of concerns by embracing a connectedness-oriented psychotherapy. The cornerstone

to this therapy is a process that fosters the human capacity to connect with the

internal self and on a relational level with others. Indeed, researchers have underscored

the power of connectedness in therapy, particularly with clients with borderline

personality disorder and anorexia nervosa (Wastell, 1996). Counselors who work with

clients who report low connectedness could provide these clients with a sense of

being cared about and help them build connections through referrals to programs,

services, or organizations that offer one-on-one

support

and guidance. Moreover, because connectedness can be a protective factor for adolescents,

especially when it comes through a close relationship with an adult who is emotionally

supportive of the adolescent (Garmezy, 1987), attending to and enhancing connectedness

is particularly important for counselors working with adolescents (Karcher, 2002).

Connectedness-oriented assessment could also inform the development of positive interventions.

Studies of connectedness have pointed to the importance of assessing the nature of

a client's connectedness when conceptualizing intervention efforts. In their 1993

study, Quintana and Kerr examined the relative advantage of supportive relationships

involving separateness and connectedness as compared with nonsupportive relationships

involving separateness and connectedness in college students' adjustment. The authors

demonstrated that participation in relationships that supported separateness, mirroring,

and nurturance needs was associated with freedom from depressive complaints. Conversely,

engulfment anxiety, separation anxiety, and denial of dependency were associated

with such complaints. Counselors could work with their clients to understand which

unique forms of connectedness and separateness were associated with positive outcomes

(e.g., good psychological health) and which forms of connectedness and separateness

were associated with distress.

Assessing connectedness at the intake stage of the counseling process would also

be useful. For example, at intake, a counselor could ask her or his client to complete

a connectedness measure as well as a personality inventory. By using the client's

reported personality makeup and connectedness dynamics and taking into account the

client's demographics, counselors might be better equipped to collaborate with the

client in devising appropriate therapeutic goals. Counselors working with a multicultural

clientele can enhance therapeutic connectedness by integrating into their initial

screening efforts measures of connectedness that tap multiple dimensions of a person's

social network and

support

as well as personality inventories that reflect personality-related attributes (Falicov,

1998). The use of brief rating scales, such as Shafer's bipolar rating scales (Shafer,

1999a) or Saucier's Mini-Markers (Saucier, 1994), might be especially helpful for

counselors working in a brief therapy modality. These could be used in conjunction

with Lee et al.'s (2001) Social Connectedness Scale-Revised or with "The Hemingway"

(Karcher, Davis, & Powell, 2002), which assesses connectedness among adolescents

in either an English or a Spanish version. Of course, any formal paper-and-pencil

assessments should always be accompanied by thorough interviews with clients (Liddell,

1998).

On the basis of our review, we also believe that both female and male clients would

benefit from a connectedness-oriented approach to therapy. This approach highlights

the consideration of multiple levels of connectedness in the psychological treatment

of both women (Miller & Stiver, 1997) and men (Bergman, 1991). Echoing Curtis's (1992)

process view of consciousness and the "self," an important step in the therapeutic

process could also include integrating a "sense of connectedness with a sense of

agency" (p. 29). In fact, our review suggests that it is crucial to explore connectedness

beyond the individual level; that is, it is important not to ignore, discount, or

deny the interconnectedness between a client's "inner" world and the "outer" world

of which she or he is a part. Gerber (1992) advocated for this multidimensional perspective

by encouraging counselors to make room for the political, historical, and social

aspects of self in the therapeutic encounter.

Consistent with best practices in counseling, it is also critical to understand differences

in value systems and worldviews when working with clients from a connectedness-oriented

intervention and prevention framework. In particular, it is important to be conscious

of and to integrate a client's particular cultural emphasis on relationship patterns.

In making any good assessment and determining a subsequent intervention, for example,

a counselor would take into account a client's context (such as past learning, environmental

influences, motivation, family communication and relationship patterns, cultural

norms) and self-reported personality attributes along with client goals for change.

Without a connectedness-oriented, culturally aware filter in place, for instance,

a counselor might encourage a Muslim immigrant who appears to be introverted and

"neurotic" on a personality inventory to distance him- or herself from what may seem

to the counselor to be a chaotic family life. In this case, however, in conducting

an assessment, devising a treatment plan, or developing a prevention program, the

counselor would do better to consider Muslim families' possible preference for greater

connectedness, a potentially less flexible and more hierarchical family structure,

and an implicit communication style before making such a recommendation (Daneshpour,

1998). A connectedness orientation to counseling would necessitate this.

To summarize, mental health practitioners would serve their clients well by cultivating

within themselves a strength-based attitude as well as a nonjudgmental observational

stance toward their clients' connectedness. In the process of doing her or his own

work, the interventionist could then assess, on an ongoing basis, for clients' unique

capacity for and experience of connectedness, as well as for aspects of personality

structure. Counselors will be better equipped to accurately understand the person's

overall psychological health, provide a connectedness-oriented approach to intervention

and prevention work, and recommend more focused and appropriate health-promoting

services.

Implications for Research

There is tremendous utility in applying the connectedness construct to research and

practice. For example, future research could address the way in which individual

differences, personality structure, maturation, and ecological characteristics influence

connectedness and delineate the developmental processes that contribute to or hinder

adaptive connectedness.

To promote the understanding of connectedness and personality attributes, it would

be helpful to examine the degree of association between the construct of connectedness

and a construct previously studied in terms of its association with personality variables,

such as emotional intelligence (Goleman, 1995) or social intelligence (Sharer, 1999b).

For example, future research might study how the coping tendencies of "socially intelligent"

(Shafer, 1999b) people compare with the coping tendencies of people who report valuing

separateness over connectedness. We would like to see new research expand the scope

of these findings by assessing the contribution of personality factors (such as emotional

intelligence) and connectedness to self-reported eating attitudes.

Recent research has explored the relationship between an individual's social connectedness

and psychological adjustment (Lee et al., 2001; Townsend, 2003). We believe this

is a line of inquiry worth extending because of the potential contribution to theory

development and, ultimately, the prospect of informing intervention and prevention

efforts. Lee et al.'s study of 184 college students found

support

for the mediation hypothesis that the direct negative effect of social connectedness

on psychological distress was mediated by dysfunctional interpersonal behaviors.

Future research could build on this work by exploring the relationship between social

connectedness and psychological adjustment and the association of these factors with

a specific psychosocial characteristic that has been shown to be linked to late adolescents'

psychological well-being. For example, researchers could examine the possible mediating

relationships among social connectedness, depression, and ambivalence over emotional

expression (King & Emmons, 1990). It would also be informative to study how other

important factors, such as gender and culture, participate in these relationships.

In light of the fact that late adolescence is frequently a period when issues of

autonomy and connection are intensified (Perlman, 1998), studies focusing on this

cohort could be particularly helpful in our efforts to stave off psychological difficulties

in adulthood.

Indeed, an interesting additional avenue to explore with respect to this web of relationships--with

social connectedness as the linchpin--could involve using a developmental perspective

(Baik, 1997). A Scandinavian study (von der Lippe & Amundsen, 1998) found connectedness

to be very helpful on individuation (e.g., family connectedness), ego development,

and the quality of conflict negotiation in the families of adolescent girls. An important

research study, for example, could examine how college students' degree of connectedness

in the parent-child relationship influences their capacity to connect with their

peers in a college environment and relates to their overall psychological well-being.

Researchers exploring this question would do well to keep in mind the findings about

children's social behavior and psychological distress: Children who experience difficulty

in forming or sustaining relationships, perhaps through social isolation or peer

rejection, may experience maladjustment in adolescence (e.g., negative outcomes such

as delinquency, poor adjustment to school, internalizing and externalizing problems)

and access

support

services for mental health problems as adults (Kupersmidt, Coie, & Dodge, 1990;

J. J. McWhirter, McWhirter, McWhirter, & McWhirter, 2004). Indeed, Lee et al. (2001)

conceptualized social connectedness as developing from past and present relational

experiences. For example, children sometimes learn to mimic their family members'

behavior to feel connected to them and develop interpersonal skills that validate

a sense of connectedness. Lee and Robbins (1998) suggested that people who experience

acute or repeated interpersonal failures are more likely to manifest low social connectedness.

On the basis of findings about the buffering effects of connectedness, researchers

have strongly supported mental health workers' efforts to help their clients form

links with programs that serve to increase social connectedness (e.g., Harris et

al., 1991).

There are clearly many avenues for interesting, informative research on connectedness.

We suggest that researchers could ultimately develop and experimentally examine interventions

that promote adaptive connectedness beginning in childhood and throughout the life

span. Findings reported in the recovery, social

support

, medical, and psychological literature (Brown & Gillespie, 1992; Forte et al., 1996;

Stiver & Miller, 1995; Turner, 1997) have illustrated how certain forms of connectedness

can be empowering and worth fostering through interventions. Future research could

tease out the risk factors that are most critical to focus on (e.g., women who have

high emotional ambivalence but have low social connectedness) in our intervention

efforts.

Conclusion

The counseling and psychology literature to date suggests that connectedness is an

important factor in healthy interpersonal functioning. Adaptive connectedness leads

to stronger psychological resilience, for both women and men, and is considered a

protective factor among adolescents. Connectedness is particularly important when

considering the economic, political, cultural, ethnic, and social forces (such as

racism, sexism, and homophobia) that act on the lives of human beings. Moreover,

there is substantial

support

for using models of counseling that are strength-based and that

support

epistemologies that value adaptive connectedness in peoples' lives for improved

client outcomes (Belenky, McVicker Clinchy, Goldberger, & Tarule, 1986; Caffarella

& Olson, 1993). Further expansion of the notion of connectedness to acknowledge the

distinction between pathological dependency and an interdependent or relational orientation

might aid in our efforts, as counselors, to develop greater strength-based models

of relatedness. Doing so would capture the positive aspects of connectedness, thereby

offering people of diverse cultures the opportunity to reconceptualize psychological

dependence and personal well-being. For instance, psychological resilience for both

women and men might be recognized as deriving from the power of healthy connectedness

within peoples' diverse contexts.

Finally, although connectedness is a fundamental human need (Buchholz & Catton, 1999),

it is nonetheless crucial to recognize the rich variability of individual experience

and the importance of acknowledging such factors as gender, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic

status, sexual orientation, (dis)ability, and age in evaluating an individual's level

of and need for connectedness. As a multidimensional construct, connectedness deserves

further intervention and research attention. Counselors and researchers who know

the importance of models of relatedness will be better equipped to assist clients

in seeing, understanding, and maximizing opportunities to develop better connectedness.

Despite the variability of individual experience, a balance of connectedness with

others and within the self is a sign of positive emotional health. Helping clients

discover and maintain connectedness will also facilitate positive mental health.

Because of this, interweaving the construct of connectedness into counseling practice,

assessment, and research agendas may very well increase an understanding of human

personality and development, enhance the science of counseling, and improve the services

that we, as counselors, provide to a richly diverse clientele.

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Katharine C. Townsend, Counseling Center, University of New Hampshire; Benedict T.

McWhirter, Counseling Psychology Program, Counseling Psychology and Human Services

Area, College of Education, University of Oregon. Katharine C. Townsend is now at

the Bureau of Study Counsel, Harvard University. Correspondence concerning this article

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Cambridge, MA 02138 (e-mail: ktownsend at bsc.harvard.edu).

-1-

Questia, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning. www.questia.com

Publication Information:

Article Title: Connectedness: A Review of the Literature with Implications for Counseling,

Assessment, and Research. Contributors: Katharine C. Townsend - author, Benedict

T. Mcwhirter - author. Journal Title: Journal of Counseling and Development. Volume:

83. Issue: 2. Publication Year: 2005. Page Number: 191+. COPYRIGHT 2005 American

Counseling Association; COPYRIGHT 2005 Gale Group

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